from Of Plymouth Plantation

William Bradford

Introduction

William Bradford’s Of Plymouth Plantation is a history of the Plymouth colony and the experiences of the Pilgrims who made their way on the Mayflower in 1620. The selections included here describe the hardships they faced, both on sea and land, as well as an account of the first Thanksgiving. Life was much more difficult than the Puritans imagined it would be, and Bradford frequently calls attention to hunger, disease, and lack of resources that the early settlers perpetually faced.

Bradford also discusses the signing of the Mayflower Compact, which served as a legal and civil document, or covenant, that bound the colonists together with God and one another. Not everyone on board the Mayflower identified as Puritan, and Bradford frequently discusses the challenges of living with people of different beliefs, whether it was other English settlers or the Native American population. Thomas Morton, whose New English Canaan also appears in this anthology, was especially challenging to Bradford and his Pilgrim community. Community is an especially important idea for Bradford, which makes sense given the challenges of living in the New World. As you read, think about the ways that Bradford defines his ideal community, and how each of the episodes that he presents teaches his Puritan audience about how to make their community a success.

Discussion Questions

• What does Bradford teach us about what it means to be a Puritan?
• How is Bradford constructing himself as a figure in the text? What impressions about himself do you think he is trying to give his audience?
• What do you make of the incidents Bradford has chosen to include in his history? Why might these particular events be important?
• How does Bradford define his ideal community? How does he suggest this community could be made real? What challenges does he identify?
• How does Bradford depict the “New World” and its inhabitants? What do you make of these depictions?

Of Plymouth Plantation Book 1, Chapter 9: Of their voyage, and how they passed the sea; and of their safe arrival at Cape Cod

Of their voyage, & how they passed the sea, and of their safe arrival at Cape Cod.

Septr: 6. These troubles being blown over, and now all being compact together in one ship, they put to sea again with a prosperous wind, which continued diverse days together, which was some encouragement unto them; yet according to the usual manner many were afflicted with sea-sickness. And I may not omit here a special work of God’s providence. There was a proud & very profane young man, one of the sea-men, of a lusty, able body, which made him the more haughty; he would always be contemning the poor people in their sickness, & cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he hoped to help to cast half of them over board before they came to their journey’s end, and to make merry with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it pleased God before they came half seas over, to smite this young man with a grevious disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so was him self the first that was thrown overboard. Thus his curses light on his own head; and it was an astonishment to all his fellows, for they noted it to be ye just hand of God upon him.

After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for a season, they were encountered many times with cross winds, and met with many fierce storms, with which the ship was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made very leaky; and one of the main beams in the mid ships was bowed & creaked, which put them in some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. So some of the chief of the company, perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship, as appeared by their mutterings, they entered into serious consultation with the master & other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to return then to cast them selves into a desperate & inevitable peril. And truly there was great distraction & difference of opinion amongst the mariners them selves; fain would they do what could be done for their wages sake, (being now half the seas over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. But in examining of all opinions, the master & others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong & firm under water; and for the buckling of the main beam, there was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beam into his place; the which being done, the carpenter & master affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, & otherways bound, he would make it sufficient. And as for the decks & upper works they would caulk them as well as they could, and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they com̅mitted them selves to the will of God, & resolved to proceed. In sundry of these storms the winds were so fierce, & ye seas so high, as they could not bear a knot of sail, but were forced to hull, for diverse days together. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storm, a lusty young man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion above the gratings, was, with a seal of the ship thrown into the sea; but it pleased God yet he caught hold of the top-sail halliards, which hung over board, & ran out at length; yet he held his hold (though he was sundry fathoms under water) till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brime of the water, and then with a boat hook & other means got into the ship again, & his life saved; and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable member both in church & com̅one wealth. In all this voyage there died but one of the passengers, which was William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near the coast. But to omit other things, (that I may be brief,) after long beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the which being made & certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some deliberation had amongst them selves & with the master of the ship, they tacked about and resolved to stand for the southward (the wind & weather being fair) to find some place about Hudson’s river for their habitation. But after they had sailed the course about half the day, they fell amongst dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and they were so far entangled there with as they conceived them selves in great danger; & the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape, and thought them selves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, as by Gods providence they did. And e next day they got into the Cape-harbor where they rid in safety. A word or two by way of this cape; it was thus first named by Captain Gosnole & his company, Anno [Year]: 1602, and after by Captain Smith was called Cape James; but it retains y^e former name amongst seamen. Also yt point which first shewed those dangerous shoals unto them, they called Point Care, & Tuckers Terrour; but the French & Dutch to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoals, and the losses they have suffered their. Being thus arrived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils & miseries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own Italy; as he affirmed, that he had rather remain twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious & dreadful was the same unto him. But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amassed at this poor peoples present condition; and so I think will the reader too, when he well considers the same. Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembered by yet which went before), they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain or refresh their weatherbeaten bodies, no houses or much less towns to repair too, to seek for succour. It is recorded in scripture as a mercy to the apostle & his shipwrecked company, yet the barbarians shewed them no small kindness in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they met with them (as after will appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows then otherwise. And for the season it was winter, and they that know the winters of yet country know them to be sharp & violent, & subject to cruel & fierce storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see but a hideous & desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts & wild men? and what multitudes there might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hops; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to the heavens) they could have little solace or content in respect of any outward objects. For sum̅er being done, all things stand upon them with a weatherbeaten face; and the whole country, full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage hue. If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a main bar & gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true; but what heard they daily from the master & company? but yet with speed they should look out a place with their shallop, where they would be at some near distance; for the season was such as he would not stir from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them where they would be, and he might go without danger; and that victuals consumed apace, but he must & would keep sufficient for them selves & their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they got not a place in time, they would turn them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be considered what weak hopes of supply & succour they left behind them, yet might bear up their minds in this sad condition and trials they were under; and they could not but be very small. It is true, indeed, the affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordial & entire towards them, but they had little power to help them, or them selves; and how the case stood between them & the merchants at their coming away, hath already been declared. What could now sustain them but the spirit of God & his grace? May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: Our fathers were Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and looked on their adversity, &c. Let them therefore praise the Lord, because he is good, & his mercies endure for ever. Yea, let them which have been redeemed of the Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilderness out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry, & thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord his loving kindness, and his wonderful works before the sons of men.

Chapter 10

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them theraboute.

[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod the 11. of November, and necessity calling them to look out a place for habitation, (as well as the masters & mariners importunity,) they having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now got her out & set their carpenters to work to trim her up; but being much bruised & shattered in the ship with foul weather, they saw she would be long in mending. Whereupon a few of them tendered them selves to go by land and discover those nearest places, whilst ye shallop was in mending; and y^e rather because as they went into y^t harbor there seemed to be an opening some 2 or 3 leagues of, which y^e master judged to be a river. It was conceived there might be some danger in ye attempt, yet seeing them resolute, they were permitted to go, being 16 of them well armed, under the conduct of Captain Standish, having such instructions given them as was thought meet. They set forth ye 15 of November: and when they had marched about the space of a mile by the sea side, they espied 5 or 6 persons with a dog coming towards them, who were savages; but they fled from them, & ran up into y^e woods, and y^e English followed them, partly to see if they could speak with them, and partly to discover if there might not be more of them lying in ambush. But y^e Indians seeing them selves thus followed, they again forsook the woods, & ran away on y^e sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, but followed them by y^e track of their feet sundry miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made their rendezvous & set out their sentinels, and rested in quiet one night, and the next morning followed their tract till they had headed a great creek, & so left the sands, & turned an other way into the woods. But they still followed them by guess, hoping to find their dwellings; but they soon lost both them & themselves, falling into such thickets as were ready to tear their clothes & armor in pieces, but were most distressed for want of drink. But at length they found water & refreshed them selves, being the first New-England water they drunk of, and was now in their great thirst as pleasant unto them as wine or beer had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their course to come to y^e other shore, for they knew it was a neck of land they were to cross over, and so at length got to y^e sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by y^e way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quantity of clear ground where the Indians had formerly set corn, and some of their graves. And proceeding further they saw new-stubble where core had been set y^e same year, also they found where lately a house had been, where some planks and a great kettle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly paddled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverse fair Indian baskets filled with corn, and some in ears, fair and good, of diverse colours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (having never seen any such before). This was near y^e place of that supposed river they came to seek; unto which they went and found it to open it self into 2 arms with a high cliff of sand in y^e entrance, but more like to be creeks of salt water than any fresh, for ought they saw; and that there was good harborage for their shallop; leaving it further to be discovered by their shallop when she was ready. So their time limited them being expired, they returned to y^e ship, least they should be in fear of their safety; and took with them part of y^e corn, and buried up ye rest, and so like y^e men from Eshcoll carried with them of y^e fruits of y^e land, & showed their brethren; of which, & their return, they were marvelously glad, and their hearts encouraged.

After this, y^e shallop being got ready, they set out again for y^e better discovery of this place, & the master of y^e ship desired to go him self, so there went some 30 men, but found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; there was also found 2 of their houses covered with mats, & sundry of their implements in them, but the people were run away & could not be seen; also there was found more of their corn, & of their beans of various colours. The corn & beans they brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them (as about some 6 months afterward they did, to their good content). And here is to be noted a special providence of God, and a great mercy to this poor people, that here they got seed to plant them corn ye next year, or else they might have starved, for they had none, nor any likelihood to get any till ye season had been past (as ye sequel did manifest). Neither is it likely they had had this, if ye first voyage had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is never wanting unto His in their greatest needs; let His holy name have all ye praise.

The month of November being spent in these affairs, & much foul weather falling in, the 6 of December: they sent out their shallop again with 10 of their principal men, & some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was very cold, & it froze so hard as ye spray of ye sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glazed; yet that night betimes they got down into ye bottom of ye bay, and as they drew near ye shore they saw some 10 or 12 Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league or 2 from them, and had much ado to put ashore any where, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade with logs & boughs as well as they could in ye time, & set out their sentinel & betook them to rest, and saw ye smoke of ye fire ye savages made y’ night. When morning was come they divided their company, some to coast along ye shore in ye boat, and the rest marched through ye woods to see ye land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came also to ye place where they saw the Indians ye night before, & found they had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2 inches thick of fate like a hog, some pieces whereof they had left by ye way; and ye shallop found 2 more of these fishes dead on ye sands, a thing usual after storms in y’ place, by reason of ye great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged up and down all y’ day, but found no people, nor any place they liked. When ye sun grew low, they hasted out of ye woods to meet with their shallop, to whom they made signs to come to them into a creek hardby, the which they did at highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all y’ day, since ye morning. So they made them a barricade (as usually they did every night) with logs, stakes, & thick pine boughs, ye height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from ye cold & wind (making their fire in ye middle, & lying round about it), and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of ye savages, if they should surround them. So being very weary, they betook them to rest. But about midnight,  they heard a hideous & great cry, and their sentinel called, “Arm, arm”; so they bestirred them & stood to their arms, & shot of a couple of muskets, and then the noise ceased. They concluded it was a company of wolves, or such like wild beasts; for one of ye sea men told them he had often heard such a noise in New-found land. So they rested till about 5 of ye clock in the morning; for ye tide, & their purpose to go from thence, made them be stirring betimes. So after prayer they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be earring things down to ye boat. But some said it was not best to carry ye arms down, others said they would be the readier, for they had lapped them up in their coats from ye dew. But some 3 or 4 would not carry theirs till they went them selves, yet as it fell out, ye water being not high enough, they laid them down on ye bank side, & came up to breakfast. But presently, all on ye sudden, they heard a great & strange cry, which they knew to be the same voices they heard in ye night, though they varied their notes, & one of their company being abroad came running in, & cried, “Men, Indians, Indians”; and withal, their arrows came flying amongst them. Their men ran with all speed to recover their arms, as by ye good providence of God they did. In ye mean time, of those that were there ready, two muskets were discharged at them, & 2 more stood ready in ye entrance of their rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till they could take full aim at them; & ye other 2 charged again with all speed, for there were only 4 had arms there, & defended ye barricade which was first assaulted. The cry of ye Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw their men run out of ye rendezvous towards ye shallop, to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon them. But some running out with coats of mail on, & cutlasses in their hands, they soon got their arms, & let fly amongst them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet there was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was seen shoot 3 arrows, which were all avoided. He stood 3 shot of a musket, till one taking full aim at him, and made ye bark or splinters of ye tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went all of them. They left some to keep ye shallop, and followed them about a quarter of a mile, and shouted once or twice, and shot of 2 or 3 pieces, & so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that they were not afraid of them or any way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give them deliverance; and by His special providence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurt, or hit, though their arrows came close by them, & on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hung up in ye barricade, were shot through & through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks & praise for their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, & sent them into England afterward by ye master of ye ship, and called that place ye first encounter. From hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned no place likely for harbor; & therefore hasted to a place that their pilot, (one Mr. Coppin who had been in ye country before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad, for it began to be foul weather. After some hours sailing, it began to snow & rain, & about ye middle of ye afternoon, ye wind increased, & ye sea became very rough, and they broke their rudder, & it was as much as 2 men could do to steer her with a couple of oars. But their pilot bad them be of good cheer, for he saw ye harbor; but ye storm increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what sail they could to get in, while they could see. But herewith they broke their mast in 3 pieces, & their sail fell over board, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by God’s mercy they recovered them selves, & having ye flood with them, struck into ye harbor. But when it came to, the pilot was deceived in the place, and said, ye Lord be merciful unto them, for his eyes never saw y’ place before; & he & the master mate would have run her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before ye wind. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or else they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer & row lustily, for there was a fair sound before them, & he doubted not but they should find one place or other where they might ride in safety. And though it was very dark, and rained sore, yet in ye end they got under ye lee of a small island, and remained there all y’ night in safety. But they knew not this to be an island till morning, but were divided in their minds; some would keep ye boat for fear they might be amongst ye Indians; others were so weak and cold, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with much ado got fire, (all things being so wet,) and ye rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight ye wind shifted to the north-west, & it froze hard. But though this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comfort & refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for ye next day was a fair sunshining day, and they found them selves to be on an island secure from ye Indians, where they might dry their stuff, fix their pieces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifold deliverances. And this being the last day of ye week, they prepared there to keep ye Sabbath. On Monday they sounded ye harbor, and found it fit for shipping; and marched into ye land, & found diverse cornfields, & little running brooks, a place (as they supposed) fit for situation; at least it was ye best they could find, and ye season, & their present necessity, made them glad to accept of it. So they returned to their ship again with this news to ye rest of their people, which did much comfort their hearts.

On ye 15 of December: they weighed anchor to go to ye place they had discovered, & came within 2 leagues of it, but were fain to bear up again; but ye 16 day ye wind came fair, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after wards took better view of ye place, and resolved where to pitch their dwelling; and ye 25 day began to erect ye first house for common use to receive them and their goods.

The 2. Book

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunity) I shall, for brevity’s sake, handle by way of annalls, noting only the heads of principal things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may seem to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as ye 2. Book.

The remainder of Anno: 1620.

I shall a little return back and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their government in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in ye ship — That when they came a shore they would use their own liberty; for none had power to command them, the patent they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England, which belonged to an other Government, with which ye Virginia Company had nothing to do. And partly that such an act by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure.

The form was as followeth.

In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are under writer the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britain, France, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c, having undertaken, for ye glory of God, and advancement of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & country, a voyage to plant ye first colony in ye Northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly & mutually in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just & equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet & convenient for ye general good of ye Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape-Cod ye 11- of November, in ye year of ye reign of our sovereign lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fifty fourth. Anno: Dom. 1620.

After this they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) their Governor for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or common store, (which were long in unloading for want of boats, foulness of winter weather, and sickness of diverse,) and begun some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admit, they met and consulted of laws & orders, both for their civil & military Government, as ye necessity of their condition did require, still adding thereunto as urgent occasion in several times, and as cases did require.

In these hard & difficult beginnings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriages in other; but they were soon quelled & overcome by ye wisdom, patience, and just & equal carriage of things by ye Governor and better part, clave faithfully together in ye main. But that which was most sad & lamentable was, that in 2 or 3 months time half of their company died, especially in Jan & February, being ye depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with ye scurvy & other diseases, which this long voyage & their inacommodate condition had brought upon them; so as there died some times 2 or 3 of a day, in ye foresaid time; that of 100 & odd persons, scarce 50 remained. And of these in ye time of most distress, there was but 6 or 7 sound persons, who, to their great commendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetched them wood, made them fires, dressed them meat, made their beads, washed their loathsome clothes, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all ye homely & necessary offices for them what dainty & queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cheerfully, without any grudging in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their friends & brethren. A rare example & worthy to be remembered. Two of these 7 were Mr. William Brewster, the reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, their Captain & military commander, unto whom my self, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this general calamity they were not at all infected either with sickness, or lameness. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this general visitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doubt not but their recompence is with ye Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamity fell among ye passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drink water, that ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and one * in his sickness desiring but a small can of beer, it was answered, that if he were their own father he should have none; the disease began to fall amongst them also, so as almost half of their company died before they went away, and many of their officers and lustiest men, as ye boatson, gunner, 3 quarter-masters, the cook, & others. At when ye master was something strucken and sent to ye sick ashore and told ye Governor he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunk water homeward bound. But now amongst his company there was far another kind of carriage in this misery then amongst ye passengers; for they that before had been boon companions in drinking & jollity in ye time of their health & welfare, began now to desert one another in this calamity, saying they would not hazard their lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to die by it, would do little or nothing for them, but if they died let them die. But such of ye passengers as were yet aboard showed them what mercy they could, made some of their hearts relent, as ye boatson (& some others), who was a proud young man, and would often curse & scoff at ye passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lie & die like dogs. Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for her he had never come this unlucky voyage, and anon cursing his fellows, saying he had done this & that, for some of them, he had spent so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weakness; he went and got a little spice & made him a mess of meat once or twice, and be cause he died not so soon as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousin him, he would see him choked before he made him any more meat; and yet ye poor fellow died before morning.

All this while ye Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloof of, but when any approached near them, they would run away. And once they stole away their tools where they had been at work, & were gone to dinner. But about ye 16 of March a certain Indian came boldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to ye eastern parts, where some English-ships came to fish, with whom he was acquainted, & could name sundry of them by their names, amongst whom he had got his language. He became profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning ye state of ye country in ye east-parts where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of ye people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their situation & distance from this place, and who was chief amongst them. His name was Samasel; he told them also of another Indian whose name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England & could speak better English then him self. Being, after some time of entertainment & gifts, dismissed, a while after he came again, & 5 more with him, & they brought again all ye tools that were stolen away before, and made way for ye coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyl; who, about 4 or 5 days after, came with the chief of his friends & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after friendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24 years) in these terms.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or do hurt to any of their people. 2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send ye offender, that they might punish him. 3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should do ye like to his. 4. If any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; if any did war against them, he should aide them. 5. He should send to his neighbours confederates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in ye conditions of peace. 6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their bows & arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place called Sowams, some 40 mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a special instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corn, where to take fish, and to procure other commodities, and was also their pilot to bring them to unknown places for their profit, and never left them till he died. He was a native of this place, & scarce any left alive besides him self. He was carried away with diverse others by one Hunt, a master of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spain; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a merchant in London, & employed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man employed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designs in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a book set forth Anno: 1622. by ye Presidente & Counsel for New-England,* that he made ye peace between ye savages of these parts & ye English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had ye benefit. But what a peace it was, may appear by what befell him & his men.

This M^r. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as appears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing date June 30. Anno 1620. And they came in November: following, so there was but 4 months difference. In which relation to his honored friend, he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begin (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; w* in Cap: Smith’s map is called Plymouth : and I would that Plymouth had ye like commodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if there come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because there ye savages are less to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plymouth, bear an inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more strength then all ye savages from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on board, made a great slaughter with their murderers & small shot, when as (they say) they offered no injury on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be doubted; yet they believe they were, for ye French have so possessed them; for which cause Squanto cannot deny but they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he not entreated hard for me. The soil of ye borders of this great bay, may be compared to most of ye plantations which I have seen in Virginia. The land is of diverse sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soil, Nawsel & Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blackish & deep mold, much like that where groweth ye best Tobacco in Virginia. In ye bottom of y’ great bay is store of Cod & bass, or mullet, &c.

But above all he commends Pacanawkite for ye richest soil , and much open ground fit for English grain, &c.

Massachusetts is about 9 leagues from Plymouth, & situate in ye mids between both, is full of islands & peninsulas very fertile for ye most part.

With sundry such relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better known then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by ye Indians at Manamoiak (a place not far from hence, now well known). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had got what they desired, they kept him still & endeavored to kill his men; but he was freed by seizing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a canoes load of corn. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was Anno: 1619.

After ye writing of ye former relation he came to ye He of Capawack (which lies south of this place in ye way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto with him, where he going a shore amongst ye Indians to trade, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slain, but one that kept the boat; but him self got aboard very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon ye cuddy of his boat, had not ye man rescued him with a sword. And so they got away, & made shift to get into Virginia, where he died; whether of his wounds or ye diseases of ye country, or both together, is uncertain. By all which it may appear how far these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begun, save as ye powerful hand of the Lord did protect them. These things * were partly the reason why they kept aloof & were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after themselves made know) was how about 3 years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cape-Cod, but ye men got ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victuals, & other goods; but after ye Indians heard of it, they gathered together from these parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage, and killed them all but 3 or 4 which they kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make sport with, and used them worse than slaves; (of which ye foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2 of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made known,) before they came to ye English to make friendship, they got all the Powachs of ye country, for 3 days together, in a horrid and devilish manner to curse & execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly & service they held in a dark & dismal swamp.

But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortality began to cease amongst them, and ye sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne their sad affliction with much patience & contentedness, as I think any people could do. But it was ye Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne ye yoke, yea from their youth. Many other smaller matters I omit, sundry of them having been already published in a Journal made by one of ye company; and some other passages of journeys and relations already published, to which I refer those that are willing to know them more particularly. And being now come to ye 25. of March I shall begin ye year 1621.

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They began now to gather in ye small harvest they had, and to fit up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health & strength, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus employed in affairs abroad, others were exercised in fishing, about cod, & bass, & other fish, of which they took good store, of which every family had their portion. All ye summer there was no want. And now began to come in store of foul, as winter approached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besides water foul, there was great store of wild Turkeys, of which they took many, besides venison, &c. Besides they had about a peck a meal a week to a person, or now since harvest, Indian corn to y’ proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largely of their plenty hear to their friends in England, which were not feigned, but true reports.

Of Plymouth Plantation Book 2, Chapter 19: Anno Domini 1628

…[T]her came over one Captain Wolastone, (a man of pretty parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminency, who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions & other implements for to begin a plantation; and pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusetts, which they called, after their Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should seem, had some small adventure (of his own or other mens) amongst them; but had little respect [159] amongst them, and was slighted by ye meanest servants. Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of ye servants, and transports them to Virginia, where he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his chief partners, and accounted their merchant, to bring another part of them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them of there as he had done the rest. And he, with ye consent of ye said Rasdall, appointed one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern ye remains of ye plantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton abovesaid, having more craft then honesty, (who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inn,) in ye others absence, watches an opportunity, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong drink & other junkets, & made them a feast; and after they were merry, he began to tell them, he would give them good counsel. You see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall return, you will also be carried away and sold for slaves with ye rest. Therefore I would advise you to thrust out this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats; so may you be free from service, and we will converse, trade, plant, & live together as equals, & support & protect one another, or to like effect. This counsel was easily received; so they took opportunity, and thrust Lieutenant Fitcher out a doors, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief from his neighbours, till he could get passages for England. After this they fell to great licentiousness, and led a dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profaneness. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a school of Athisme. And after they had got some good into their hands, and got much by trading with ye Indians, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong waters in great excess, and, as some reported, 10li. worth in a morning. They also set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing about it many days together, inviting the Indian women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking together, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practices. As if they had anew revived & celebrated the feasts of ye Roman Goddess Flora, or ye beastly practices of ye mad Bacchinalians. Morton likewise (to shew his poetry) composed sundry rimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to ye detraction & scandal of some persons, which he affixed to this idle or idol May-pole. They changed also the name of their place, and in stead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they call it Merry-mount, as if this jollity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Indecott, who brought over a patent under ye broad seal, for ye government of ye Massachusetts, who visiting those parts caused yt May-pole to be cut down, and rebuked them for their profaneness, and admonished them to look there should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed ye name of their place again, and called it Mount-Dagon.

Now to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse excess, Morton, thinking him self lawless, and hearing what gain ye French & fisher-men made by trading of pieces, powder, & shot to ye Indians, he, as ye head of this consortship, began ye practice of ye same in these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, & discharge, and what proportion of powder to give ye piece, according to ye size or bigness of ye same; and what shot to use for fowl, and what for dear. And having thus instructed them, he employed some of them to hunt & fowl for him, so as they became far more active in that employment then any of ye English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, & nimbleness of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continual exercise well knowing ye haunts of all sorts of game. So as when they saw ye execution that a piece would doe, and ye benefit that might come by ye same, they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prize they could attain too for them; accounting their bows & arrows but baubles in comparison of them.

And here I may take occasion to bewail the mischief that this wicked man began in these parts, and which since base covetousness prevailing in men that should know better, has now at length got ye upper hand, and made this thing com̅one, notwithstanding any laws to ye contrary; so as ye Indians are full of pieces all over, both fouling pieces, muskets, pistols, &c. They have also their molds to make shot, of all sorts, as musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan & goose shot, & of smaller sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when they want them, with sundry other implements, wherewith they are ordinarily better fitted & furnished then ye English them selves. Yea, it is well known that they will have powder & shot, when the English want it, nor cannot get it; and yet in a time of war or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead hath been scarce, and men for their own defense would gladly have given a groat a l which is dear enough, yet hath it been bought up & sent to other places, and sold to such as trade it with ye Indians, at 12. pence ye li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s ye pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in ye same times, when some of their neighbours & friends are daily killed by ye Indians, or are in danger thereof, and live but at ye Indians mercy. Yea, some (as they have acquainted them with all other things) have told them how gunpowder is made, and all ye materials in it, and that they are to be had in their own land; and I am confident, could they attain to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the horribleness of this villainy! how many both Dutch & English have been lately slain by those Indians, thus furnished; and no remedy provided, nay, yet evil more increased, and ye blood of their brethren sold for gain, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes & parliaments would take some timely order to prevent this mischief, and at length to suppress it, by some exemplary punishment upon some of these gain thirsty murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their colonies in these parts be over thrown by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their own weapons, by these evil instruments, and traitors to their neighbors and country. But I have forgot my self, and have been to long in this digression; but now to return. This Morton having thus taught them ye use of pieces, he sold them all he could spare; and he and his consorts determined to send for many out of England, and had by some of ye ships sent for above a score. The which being known, and his neighbours meeting ye Indians in ye woods armed with guns in this sort, it was a terror unto them, who lived stragglingly, and were of no strength in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischief would quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertain any, how vile soever, and all ye scum of ye country, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from this wicked & debased crew, then from ye salvages them selves.

So sundry of ye chief of ye struggling plantations, meeting together, agreed by mutual consent to sollissite those of Plymouth (who were then of more strength then them all) to join with them, to prevent ye further growth of this mischief, and suppress Morton & his consorts before ye grew to further head and strength. Those that joined in this action (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other places wher any English were seated. Those of Plymouth being thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and waying both their reasons, and the common danger, were willing to afford them their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurt. So, to be short, they first resolved jointly to write to him, and in a friendly & neighborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so high as he scorned all advice, and asked who had to do with him; he had and would trade pieces with ye Indians in despite of all, with many other scurrilous terms full of disdain. They sent to him a second time, and bade him be better advised, and more temperate in his terms, for ye country could not bear ye injure he did; it was against their common safety, and against ye king’s proclamation. He answered in high terms as before, and that ye king’s proclamation was no law; demanding what penalty was upon it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesty’s displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said ye king was dead and his displeasure with him, & many ye like things; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them look to them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by force; and having so far proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of ye Governor of Plymouth to send Captain Standish, & some other aide with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stiffly in his defense, having made fast his doors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on ye table; and if they had not been over armed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They summoned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could get nothing but scoffs & scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would do some violence to ye house, he and some of his crew came out, but not to yield, but to shoot; but they were so steeld with drinke as their peeces were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged & almost half filled with powder & shot, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captain Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his piece, & took him. Neither was there any hurt done to any of either side, save yet one was so drunk that he ran his own nose upon ye point of a sword that one held before him as he entered ye house; but he lost but a little of his hot blood. Morton they brought away to Plymouth, where he was kept, till a ship went from ye Isle of Shols for England, with which he was sent to ye Counsel of New-England; and letters written to give them information of his course & carriage; and also one was sent at their common charge to inform their Honors more particularly, & to prosecute against him. But he fooled of ye messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he went for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebuked, for ought was heard; but returned ye next year. Some of ye worst of ye company were dispersed, and some of ye more modest kept ye house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long about so un-worthy a person, and bad a cause…

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